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Lecture | CHiLL series

On Mandarin modals and the distribution of subjects

Date
Wednesday 1 April 2026
Time
Serie
Chinese Linguistics in Leiden (ChiLL)
Address
Lipsius
Cleveringaplaats 1
2311 BD Leiden
Room
2.24

Abstract

Modals can be divided into epistemic modals and root modals (roots consist of deontics and dynamics) (Palmer 1986). In Mandarin, a syntactic distinction can be observed in the relative word order between these two types of modals and the subject. Epistemics (e.g., yīnggāi ‘should; likely’) can either precede or follow a subject, as in (1a), while roots (e.g., yīnggāi ‘should; ought to’) cannot be positioned sentence-initially, as in (1b).

(1) a. {YīnggāiEpi} Zhāngsān {yīnggāiEpi} sì-diǎn     zǒu.       

     should    Zhangsan  should    four-clock  leave

     ‘It is likely to be that Zhangsan leaves at 4.’                      (ModEpi > Subj)

   b. {*Huì/Néng/Kěyǐ/YīnggāiDeo} Zhāngsān {huì/néng/kěyǐ/yīnggāiDeo} sì-diǎn     zǒu.

       will can  may should     Zhangsan will can  may should    four-clock  leave

     Int.: (‘It {will/can/is allowed/ought to} be that Zhangsan leaves at 4.’) (*ModDeo > Subj)

It has been observed (see e.g., Lin & Tang 1995, Yip & Lee 2022) that the sentence-initial roots are grammatical when a focus immediately follows (e.g., the contrastively focalized subject in 2a, cf. the “remote” focalized predicate in 2b). This pattern also holds for other focus-related constructions, e.g., lián…yě/dōu ‘even…also/all’, shì ‘be’-marked focus, zhǐ ‘only’-marked focus, and wh-phrases.

(2) a.  Kěyǐ  F  qù,  yě   kěyǐ  F   qù.                   (ModDeo > Subj[+F])

      may  2sg  go  also  may  3sg  go

      ‘It is allowed that you go, and it is also allowed that s/he goes.’

   b. *Kěyǐ  nǐ   liúxiaF,  yě    kěyǐ  nǐ   zǒuF.             (*ModDeo > Subj[-F])

may  2sg  stay     also  may  2sg  leave

Int.: (‘It is allowed that you stay, and it is also allowed that you leave.’)

Previous analyses (e.g., Hsu 2019, Yip & Lee 2022) argue that the root modal moves in cases such as (2a), and focus licenses the high position of the root modal in a way that the root modal head-moves to FocP (or to the specifier of FocP in the sense of Lai & Li 2023). However, the movement-based analysis faces several empirical challenges. For instance, even if the subject is focalized, dynamics can never appear sentence-initially; if the agent is introduced by a preposition (yóu ), the agent can remain below a deontic modal without being focalized, etc.

In this study, I advocate a base-generation approach to (sentence-initial) root modals. I follow a three-layered distribution of Mandarin modals proposed by Tsai (2010, 2015), schematized as: ModEpi > outer subj > T > ModDeo > inner subj > v > ModDyn > V. Under this hierarchy, the data (1-2) is translated as follows: outer subjects (following epistemics) do not need to be focalized, whereas inner subjects (following deontics) must be focalized. I thus argue that subjects in Mandarin receive the nominative Case (and are hence licensed) only at Spec, TP, whereas a Caseless subject below TP can be licensed by focalization. This echoes Belletti’s (2001) analysis, which regards focalization as a way of nominal licensing in Romance languages. I will further discuss other contexts in which focus serves as a warrant for low positions of the subject

Biography

Chenghao Hu is a PhD student at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and is currently having a half-year academic visit at University College London. His research interests mainly include the nominal licensing mechanisms, the implementation of labeling (and anti-labeling) in Chinese, the status of complex merges (e.g., sideward movement) in the modal of syntax, Chinese tag questions, and the syntax-phonology interface.

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