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Student website Labour law (LL.M.)

Co-Producing Nationalism in Crisis: State and Public Dynamics on Weibo

During the corona pandemic, the Chinese government's digital communication with its citizens changed. Hard propaganda was increasingly replaced by ‘soft news’. PhD candidate Dechun Zhang mapped the developments in digital society.

Throughout the pandemic, the Chinese government pursued a nationalist agenda on China's social media platform Weibo. However, its tone changed as the pandemic continued. 'When corona first emerged in 2019, you could see that it was mainly “hard” propaganda that was being spread,' Zhang explains. 'State media made it explicitly clear that the CCP had got things right.  You must express unwavering support for China, defend it against any criticism (especially from US, and emphasize its superiority.'

Emotions and leadership

Slowly these utterances became more subtle, until ‘soft’ propaganda remained. 'The state media became less explicit in their expressions,' says Zhang. Instead, they worked to create what he calls a ‘nationalistic environment’, in which all aspects of Chinese life were portrayed in a nationalistic light, including the ongoing pandemic. That involved playing on people’s emotions. Zhang: For example, they shared an emotional story not only about a CCP member, such as a police officer, but also about ordinary citizens who sacrificed themselves for others. They also posted, for example, a New York Times article criticising the Chinese government, with the caption that the West had no right to disrespect them. ‘They also promoted internet cultural products, such as songs and memes, to help construct a sense of national identity. '

Indeed, the Chinese government regularly used the used the vaccines for their own populations,' says Zhang. 'China, on the other hand, used the vaccines to support other countries, and in so doing to take a leading position.'

From bottom to top

Weibo also gives users the chance to comment. Weibo users employ nationalism to attract like-minded individuals and use it as a tool to bypass internet censorship when criticizing political scandals. Zhang: 'When there was a scandal because high-level party members had better face masks than medics working with COVID patients, many posts  local government departments. As long as it was not about the party and the party leadership, this was allowed, also so that the government could present itself as responsible.'

Digital nationalism in China reflects the strategic use of digital technologies by both state and public actors to foster engagement, shape collective identity, and guide public opinion. This dynamic produced a new balance, in which nationalism was not simply imposed from above but co-produced alongside Weibo users.' There is some overlap between Chinese society and digital Chinese society, but they have also become separate worlds,' says Zhang. 'People increasingly take to social media to make themselves heard. Unlike what is often thought in the West, there is also room for this to some extent in China.'

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